| Critique of Framingham’s Housing Policy | February 2005 | |||||||||||||||
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Summary According to Merriam-Webster’s dictionary definition, a policy identifies a “course or method of action” that meets the following criteria:
1. It is “selected from among alternatives.” This critique of Framingham’s Housing Policy uses this basic definition as a guide in its analysis, and the policy falls short on many counts, as detailed later in this document. First, the policy fails to consider and analyze the impacts of policy alternatives. Second, it fails to provide accurate and meaningful information about the current local housing conditions. As a result, it does not provide a sound and reasonable basis for decision-making. Here are the key issues raised in this critique:
1. Many statements are made that are broad, speculative, and/or not supported by any data; Considering the very substantial shortcomings of the current policy, the FTPA, along with a broad coalition of community leaders (see Appendix A) renews the call on the Board of Selectmen, first made by the passage of a resolution at the Special Town Meeting in the fall of 2004, to rescind the existing policy and commence work on a new policy by following the process adopted by Town Meeting last fall. Details The remainder of this document contains a detailed analysis of sections of the town of Framingham’s Housing Policy (adopted by the Board of Selectmen March 2004). The Framingham Taxpayers Association convened an ad hoc committee of Framingham residents in December 2004 to discuss the policy and develop an initial draft of the analysis. The draft was then distributed to a broad group of community leaders for comment and/or endorsement. Appendix A lists those individuals who contributed to this document and those who endorse it. In what follows, excerpts from the town’s Housing Policy are in Times Roman type and enclosed in boxes, and the ad hoc committee’s observations are in Arial type.
The broad assertion regarding the “high cost and inadequacy of Framingham’s housing stock” is not supported by specific details or references. There is no reference to specific report names, dates, sources, etc. identified in either the text or a footnote. Without such references, this conclusion lacks credibility.
These sweeping generalizations, which seem to be an effort to explain the importance of, and need for, a housing policy, do not achieve their intended purpose. For example, the two statements, “Housing acts as the building block of Framingham,” and “The distribution of housing is the footprint of our neighborhoods” are too broad and abstract to be meaningful in the context of a housing policy, especially without greater elaboration. Of course, explaining the importance of a housing policy, and the kinds of beneficial effects it could have, is important and should be done thoroughly and convincingly.
This section of the housing policy raises more questions than it answers, and fails to provide meaningful information about the housing conditions in Framingham. The population data is interesting, but not very meaningful without further considering the context. For example, to what extent could Framingham’s slower population growth rate be related to its much higher population density or factors other than decreased household size? Is the decline in household size consistent with national and regional trends? Are the social trends impacting household size based on national or regional data? If not, what are the unique factors leading to this in Framingham and are those factors desirable? More importantly, what kind of trends should we expect going forward?
In addition, portions of this section lack clear meaning without greater explanation and support from specific data and analysis. For example, it is unclear what “somewhat” really means in this sentence, “The current baby boomlet is expected to increase household size somewhat.” When the policy reads, “…this increase is only expected to last for a short period,” how long a time is “a short period”? And by the way, who is it that “expects” these things? And what is the basis for that expectation? In addition, the phrases “…may become a financial burden” and “could lead to dwelling conversions…” are entirely too ambiguous without further analysis and qualification. To say something “may” become a financial burden suggests that same thing “may not” become a financial burden. Likewise, simply to say something “could” happen is no more helpful than to say that something “might not” happen Ad Hoc Committee
The data presented in this section is presented in a confusing way and has no apparent relation to the two concluding statements. For example, a reasonable person could conclude that since 50 percent of the housing stock are single family residences, and 63 percent of the population are families, the town needs more single family housing. While we doubt that was the author’s point, it shows how misleading data can be without sufficient analysis and elaboration. In another example, it takes significant computation to determine that only 7% of Framingham residents are age 65 or over and living alone. (The 25% (over age 65) of 78% (living alone) of 37% (non-families) = a whopping 7% over age 65 living alone). How do these statistics show a need to diversify our housing stock?
If we are to address the housing needs of a future population of Framingham, we should have reasonable projections of that population based on some authoritative analysis of future trends. What are the demographics of the people that the town is attracting, and why? Are we content to sit back and let the demographics of future residents take its own course, or do we want to try to exert some influence over this? These are all questions that need to be addressed in a serious manner in the development of a comprehensive and effective housing policy. There is no evidence in the current policy that this work has been done. This area is addressed again below. Ad Hoc Committee
The lack of impact analysis, particularly financial impact, is one of the greatest shortcomings of the current housing policy. There will most certainly be a range of impacts arising out of the build-out of new housing under existing zoning. Disturbingly, the existing policy does not seriously analyze these impacts, or directly reference any other source that does. Nor is there evidence that the various impacts have been carefully considered for a range of possible alternative zoning scenarios. Perhaps Mr. Calthorpe’s warning has relevance for Framingham, but such relevance is not at all apparent in what has been presented in this section.
Housing policy and its partner zoning by-laws can have a significant effect on the town’s financial stability. Alternative zoning schemes, encouraging or discouraging various kinds of development, can lead to substantially different impacts on the town’s revenues and expenses. For example, encouraging upscale, over-55 development would likely have a powerful positive impact on the town’s financial picture (generating far more in property tax revenue than in incremental service costs). Yet this whole area of financial impact has been completely overlooked. Any revision to the housing policy should have a section devoted to financial impact, considering the different impacts that would come about from various alternative development schemes. Ad Hoc Committee
This section also raises more questions about housing in Framingham than it answers. Why has the low-moderate income population increased by so much (11% of the town’s population), when the general population has only increased 3 percent? Are more low-income people moving into town and if so, why? These are vital questions to be answered, and yet the policy completely overlooks these questions. A review of household income data shows that changes in the median household income in Framingham have not kept up with those of other communities in the region. In looking at changes in household income data for Middlesex County from 1990 to 2000, there are some startling facts that emerge. Over this period of time, the percentage increase in median household income in Framingham was lower than that of any one of the other 53 cities and towns in Middlesex County (see chart in Appendix B). Framingham’s median household rank, out of 351 cities and towns in the state, dropped more than any one of the other 53 cities and towns in Middlesex County.
It seems that Framingham is attracting large numbers of lower income households compared to other communities similarly situated. How could this be happening if, as the current version of the policy claims, Framingham’s housing is high cost and inadequate? Is this trend likely to continue, and if so why? Should our policy be to provide low and moderately priced housing for everyone, whether they are currently living in our community or not? And lastly do we simply accept this trend, or do we try to exert some influence over it? These questions all need to be discussed before we can make reasonable choices about housing policy. Ad Hoc Committee
If the largest investment for most citizens is their home, then why is there no objective or statement in this policy concerning the town’s responsibility to its property owners/investors? The assessed value of the residential property in town now stands at well over $5 billion. For every percentage point change in residential property values, the net worth of homeowners in town changes by more than $50 million. It is true that a high rate of appreciation in home prices makes it harder for people who don’t own homes to buy a home. Our policy should address such issues. However, it seems logical to also include an objective to preserve and enhance the value of property in town; and there should be an assessment of how well the rate of appreciation of homes in Framingham compares to surrounding communities. We should have a comprehensive housing policy, not merely an affordable housing policy.
This section is flawed and misleading for a number of reasons. First, it does not even note that Framingham’s rents are lower than many surrounding communities. Second, it uses outdated vacancy data, and MetroWest vacancy rates are now much higher than the numbers cited in the town’s policy. Third, the policy does not evaluate other factors that impact vacancy rates and market rents, including the impact of Section 8 vouchers. Fourth, the references for this information in this section are not provided. Finally, this data needs to be looked at in the context of what level of rents can be comfortably afforded by the full range of people in our region, not just those seeking HUD assistance (see next point below for more discussion on this).
The significance of this data is unclear without additional context or explanation, although it seems to be presented as evidence about the lack of affordability of Framingham’s housing. The policy seems to be talking about new construction only. In particular, 58 new homes were built in 2001, of which half or 29 houses were over $300K. How much over $300k? The other 28 houses were between $200K and $300K and 1 was under $200k. How do these costs compare to new construction in nearby towns for the same time period? It seems more logical to use the assessed value of all homes as a measure of affordability than the value of just new housing construction. Information from the assessor’s FY ‘03 property valuations, which was based on 2001 sale prices, shows housing distribution according to Single Family, Condo and Multi Family categories. Of the 26,734 Total Residential Units, 50% or 13,366 of the Total Housing Units are Single Family Units. Of these, 65% were valued under $300k. 9.3% or 2,493 of the Total Housing Units are Condominiums. 99% of the Condominiums were valued under $300k. It is curious that this housing policy is silent on the contribution of condominiums to housing affordability. With respect to rental housing, it seems logical to compare median rent levels with median household income levels to provide a measure of affordability. Our analysis, which is detailed below, shows that a household with the median income can afford the median rental rate, using the standard presented in this section of $33,400. According to the year 2000 census for Framingham:
Median Household Income was $54,288 Therefore, households in Framingham earning the median household income can afford rents one and one half times greater than Framingham’s median rent. And, families in Framingham earning the median family income can afford rents two times greater than Framingham’s median rent. In other words, rental housing in Framingham seems reasonably affordable for its residents.
The latest census has income information from 26,147 total households in Framingham. Of these 16,618 are families with median family income of $67,420. An estimate (using the mean to approximate the median) suggests that the median household income for the remaining 9,529 non-family households would be approximately $31,570, and that these households would pay less than 32% of their household income for the median rent. This is only slightly over the 30% standard for affordability set by HUD, which does not suggest a large affordability gap. However, all of this really points to a more pertinent question: What is the median household income for renters alone? Ad Hoc Committee
The policy asks the “fundamental question” but provides no answer (other than a narrow reference to affordable units). In its current form, the policy provides us only with empty rhetoric. Instead our policy needs to carefully address what influence, if any, we want to exert over demographic trends, what alternative housing schemes might best address the future demographic profile, what impacts are likely associated with each alternative (including the likely financial impact on the town’s revenues and expenditures), and which alternative is most attractive. We need to not only ask the “fundamental question”, we also need to answer it – not just for a narrow segment of the population, but also for the town as a whole.
This paragraph is largely a collection of unsubstantiated statements. Once again, reference(s) should be provided for any projections so that readers of the report can review the source(s) of such projections and be able to assess the validity and significance of any assumptions made in preparing the projections. In addition, the statement “No effort...” is simply untrue. Quality home developers assess the needs of homebuyers all the time so that they can offer products that satisfy the needs of their customers. Perhaps the authors of the policy are referring strictly to the needs of low- and moderate-income people. However, if this is true it should be explicitly stated.
What cutbacks? How much? Not just in general, but as it pertains specifically to the town. We need an analysis of those units coming off line and what they will be priced at. New 40B’s (if we need any at all) should be “In Perpetuity” by policy.
The cost of purchasing a home should not be confused with the cost to stay in a home that has been owned for many years. If people are having difficulty staying in a home they have owned for many years it is not because property values have increased, it’s because the cost of property taxes, utilities, and other such items have increased. The most significant thing that the town could do to help in this regard is to run the government as cost-effectively as possible so that increases in property taxes are kept to a minimum. Yet the current policy makes no mention of this strategy.
The policy numbers indicate that 39% of Framingham’s population is low and moderate-income while 40B only asks for 10% affordable housing. However, Framingham is loaded with “other subsidies” that are not counted under the narrow 40B definition such as section 8 vouchers. In addition there are very likely many housing units and situations in Framingham that, although not officially counted in the Chapter 40B inventory, are nevertheless affordable to people of low or moderate income. Households with income between 62% and 80 percent of the median are considered “moderate” income households, yet can often afford market rate apartments at the median rental rate by employing various common strategies. For example, young adults frequently live together as roommates to manage the cost of housing. All of these factors should be considered in formulating policy, yet there is no evidence in the policy that this was done.
To this point, everything in the Housing Policy document is background, rationale and framework. We believe that we have demonstrated that the framework is significantly flawed and needs to be substantially reworked. Below are the policies contained in the document intended to guide decision-making about housing in our town. Ad Hoc Committee
The lack of linkage between the background/rationale and the policies themselves is striking. One would expect that the policies would follow naturally and logically from the background/rationale. However, we are hard pressed to discern any such relationship. To be sure, some of the policies have an understandable, common sense ring to them, but we are left scratching our heads trying to figure out where they came from. In the next version of the town’s housing policy, each policy should have:
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